Editorial 1: A ground view of the Indian Space Policy 2023
Context
- On April 20 this year, the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) released the Indian Space Policy 2023 that had been in the works for some years. The document has been received positively by industry.
Background
- Until the early 1990s, India’s space industry and space economy were defined by ISRO. Private sector involvement was limited to building to ISRO designs and specifications.
- The Second Space Age began with the licensing of private TV channels, the explosive growth of the Internet, mobile telephony, and the emergence of the smartphone.
- Today, while ISRO’s budget is approximately $1.6 billion, India’s space economy is over $9.6 billion and is estimated to grow to $60 billion by 2030, directly creating more than two lakh jobs.
History of Space policies
- The first satellite communication policy was introduced in 1997, with guidelines for foreign direct investment (FDI) in the satellite industry that were further liberalised but never generated much enthusiasm.
- A remote sensing data policy was introduced in 2001, which was amended in 2011; in 2016, and was replaced by a National Geospatial Policy that has been further liberalised in 2022.
- Yet, Indian users including the security and defence agencies spend nearly a billion dollars annually to procure earth observation data and imagery from foreign sources.
Indian Space Policy 2023
- The Vision is to enable, encourage and develop a flourishing commercial presence in space that suggests an acceptance that the private sector is a critical stakeholder in the entire value chain of the space economy. It makes five key points. Such as
- First: This is the only reference to ‘security’ in the document, making it clear that the focus is on civilian and peaceful applications.
- Second: The policy lays out a strategy and then spells out the roles of the Department of Space, ISRO, the Indian National Space Promotion and Authorisation Centre (IN-SPACe) set up in 2020, and the NewSpace India Limited (NSIL), a public sector unit set up in 2019 under the Department of Space as the commercial arm of ISRO to replace the now defunct Antrix.
- Third: It states that ISRO will transition out of the existing practice of being present in the manufacturing of operational space systems and shall focus on R&D in advanced technology, proving newer systems and realisation of space objects for meeting national prerogatives.
- Fourth: The NGEs (non-government entities) which includes the private sector are allowed to undertake end-to-end activities in the space sector through establishment and operation of space objects, ground-based assets and related services, such as communication, remote sensing, navigation, etc.
- Finally, IN-SPACe is expected to create a stable and predictable regulatory framework that will ensure a level playing field for the NGEs. It will act as a promoter by setting up industry clusters and as the regulator, issue guidelines on liability issues.
The gaps
- The policy sets out an ambitious role for IN-SPACe but provides no time frame for the necessary steps ahead.
- Neither is there an indicative timeline for ISRO’s transitioning out of its current practices nor is there a schedule for IN-SPACe to create the regulatory framework.
- The policy framework envisaged will need clear rules and regulations pertaining to FDI and licensing, government procurement to sustain the new space start-ups, liability in case of violations and an appellate framework for dispute settlement.
- A regulatory body needs legislative authority. IN-SPACe is expected to authorise space activities for all, both government and non-government entities. Currently, its position is ambiguous as it functions under the purview of the Department of Space.
Way forward
- The Space Policy 2023 is a forward-looking document reflecting good intentions and a vision. But it is not enough. What is urgently needed is a time frame to provide the necessary legal framework to translate this vision into reality, to successfully launch India into the Second Space Age.
Editorial 2: Pokhran-II: A moment of profound epiphany
Introduction
- Twenty-five years ago, on May 11, 1998, India took a leap into the unknown world of nuclear weapon powers with the tests at Pokhran. A series of five nuclear explosions were conducted between May 11 and May 13, 1998. This test made India 6th nation to have tested a nuclear weapon. May 11, the day of first of the five explosions during the Pokhran-II nuclear weapons testing, was officially declared as the National Technology Day.
The consequences
- The 1998 tests unleashed a fury of events and catapulted India into probably its worst confrontation with the United States. On May 13, Washington imposed sanctions against New Delhi under the Glenn Amendment.
- The test opened floodgates of trouble for India which include: economic and military and interactional isolation.
- Pakistan conducted a series of nuclear tests on May 28 and 30 and
- China castigated India for what it saw as an outrageous contempt for the common will of the international community.
- Domestically, the Congress and the Left criticised the decision to test.
Pokhran II- Proof of India’s Nuclear Prowess:
- It is evident that the nuclear tests reflected a moment of profound epiphany: an awakening of India’s self-confidence and an awareness of its potential.
- India had demonstrated its might in the field of science and technology. We can also say the date has been engraved in the history of India as a demonstration of its military power.
- The is always remembered as a day of pride for India and it showed the self-dependency of India.
- Despite not being a signatory to either the CTBT or NPT, India has managed to secure civilian nuclear deals with the US, Japan and Australia, among countries, thanks to an NSG waiver exempting India from the full-scope International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. This waiver was backed by France, Russia, US, and Germany.
- India is now a member of three out of four multilateral export control regimes — MTCR, Wassenaar Arrangement, Australia Group — and is in the reckoning for membership of the NSG.
- Pokhran-II gave India the strategic space to manoeuvre at the world stage, and to showcase its international behaviour on the rules-based system, even without being part of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
India’s nuclear doctrine
- Building and maintaining a credible minimum deterrent which refers to the number of nuclear forces that India needs to deter potential nuclear adversaries.
- India had first adopted a 'No first use' policy after the Pokhran-II nuclear tests in 1998. The government's stated policy till now has been that nuclear weapons are solely for deterrence and India will pursue a policy of “retaliation only”.
- Nuclear retaliatory attacks can only be authorized by the civilian political leadership through the Nuclear Command Authority. The Nuclear Command Authority comprises a Political Council and an Executive Council. The Political Council is chaired by the Prime Minister. It is the sole body that can authorize the use of nuclear weapons.
- Non-use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon states. However, in the event of a major attack against India, or Indian forces anywhere, by biological or chemical weapons, India will retain the option of retaliating with nuclear weapons;
- A continuance of strict controls on the export of nuclear and missile-related materials and technologies continued the observance of the moratorium on nuclear tests.
- Continued commitment to the goal of a nuclear-weapon-free world, through global, verifiable and non-discriminatory nuclear disarmament.
Conclusion
- So, be it the Paris Climate Accord, or the NSG, or freedom of Pokhran-II and what followed has given India the right to claim the tag of a responsible power — a valuable asset in times when powers like the US and China are perceived to be not adhering to international commitments.