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Editorial 1: There is hardly any autonomy at the panchayat level

Context:

  • Recently a few sarpanchs in Telangana resigned from office and voiced their anger at not receiving government funds for nearly a year. Sarpanchs alleged that the failure of the State government to release funds in time has forced them to utilise either private resources or borrow large amounts to complete panchayat activities and meet various targets. One such up-Saipan has also committed suicide, unable to repay loans he had borrowed to do developmental works in the Panchayat.

 

Panchayati Raj Institution (PRI)

  • It is a system of rural local self-government in India. Local Self Government is the management of local affairs by such local bodies who have been elected by the local people.
  • PRI was constitutionalized through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992 to build democracy at the grass roots level and was entrusted with the task of rural development in the country.
  • Similarly, 74th Constitutional Amendment Act, 199, gave constitutional recognition to urban local bodies like municipalities.

 

Status of local self governance now:

  • More than three decades after the 73rd and 74th Amendment Acts, which gave constitutional status to local governments, State governments, through the local bureaucracy, continue to exercise considerable discretionary authority and influence over panchayats.
  • In India, the powers of local elected officials remain seriously circumscribed by State governments and local bureaucrats in multiple ways, thereby diluting the spirit of the constitutional amendments seeking to empower locally elected officials.

 

The issue of funding

  • Gram panchayats remain fiscally dependent on grants (both discretionary and non-discretionary grants) from the State and the Centre for everyday activities.
  • Broadly, panchayats have three main sources of funds —
  1. their own sources of revenue (local taxes, revenue from common property resources, etc.)
  2. Grants in aid from the Centre and State governments
  3. Discretionary or scheme-based funds.
  • Their own sources of revenue (both tax and non-tax) constitute a tiny proportion of overall panchayat funds. Further, access to discretionary grants for panchayats remains contingent on political and bureaucratic connections.
  • Even when higher levels of government allocate funds to local governments, sarpanchs need help accessing them. An inordinate delay in transferring approved funds to panchayat accounts stalls local development.
  • In Telangana, this has forced sarpanchs to use private funds for panchayat activities to fulfil mandated targets and avoid public pressure. Delays in the disbursement of funds by the local bureaucracy have led to pressure on sarpanchs leading some to end their life.
  • There are also severe constraints on how panchayats can use the funds allocated to them. State governments often impose spending limits on various expenditures through panchayat funds. This could include small daily activities such as purchasing posters of national icons, refreshments for visiting dignitaries, or distributing sweets in a local school at national festivals.
  • Moreover, in almost all States, there is a system of double authorisation for spending panchayat funds. Apart from sarpanchs, disbursal of payments requires bureaucratic concurrence. The sarpanch and the panchayat secretary, who reports to the Block Development Officer (BDO), must co-sign cheques issued for payments from panchayat funds.

 

The taxing process of seeking approvals

  • State governments also bind local governments’ through the local bureaucracy. Approval for public works projects often requires technical approval (from the engineering department) and administrative approval from local officials of the rural development department, such as the BDO, a tedious process for sarpanchs that requires paying multiple visits to government offices.
  • It is also not unusual to find higher-level politicians and bureaucrats intervening in selecting beneficiaries for government programmes and limiting the power of sarpanchs further.
  • The ability of sarpanchs to exercise administrative control over local employees is also limited. In many States, the recruitment of local functionaries reporting to the panchayat, such as village watchmen or sweepers, is conducted at the district or block level. Often the sarpanch does not even have the power to dismiss these local-level employees.

 

The shadow of bureaucrats

  • Unlike elected officials at other levels, sarpanchs can be dismissed while in office. Gram Panchayat Acts in many States have empowered district-level bureaucrats, mostly district Collectors, to act against sarpanchs for official misconduct.
  • On what grounds can Collectors act against sarpanchs? Apart from abuse of power, embezzlement, or misconduct, the conditions include mere refusal to “carry out the orders of the District Collector or Commissioner or Government for the proper working of the concerned Gram Panchayat”.
  • This is not merely a legal provision. Across the country, there are regular instances of bureaucrats deciding to dismiss sarpanchs from office. In Telangana, more than 100 sarpanchs have been dismissed from office in recent years. In one such case, the official reason was a protest (by boycotting an official programme) against the denial of land for an electric substation.
  • State-level politicians and government officials resist giving sarpanchs power because they feel that sarpanchs will misuse funds allocated to a village. India has limited decentralisation because if local governments get genuine autonomy to allocate the monies, power will shift from the MLAs and State government-controlled bureaucracy to the sarpanch. This attitude must change.

 

Conclusion:

The situation in Telangana is a reminder for State governments to re-examine the provisions of their respective Gram Panchayat laws and consider greater devolution of funds, functions, and functionaries to local governments.


Editorial 2: A G20 presidency to amplify South Asia’s voice

Context:

  • At a time of both potential and peril, India has taken over the G20 presidency. The global food, energy, and financial crises have been exacerbated by the climatic crisis and India has a unique opportunity to lead from the front of one of the most influential global platforms.

 

India’s priorities:

  • India has identified several priorities including:
  1. Green development
  2. Climate finance
  3. LiFE (lifestyle for environment)
  4. Accelerated, inclusive and resilient growth
  5. Accelerating progress on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)
  6. Technological transformation and digital public infrastructure
  7. Multilateral reforms
  8. Women-led development.
  • Given that the priorities are global, the motto “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam”, or “One Earth, One Family, One Future”, underscores how interconnected our world is.
  • Prime Minister Modi’s idea of LiFE, Lifestyle for the Environment. LiFE calls for a world-wide paradigm shift from mindless and destructive consumption to mindful and deliberate utilization, ie, lifestyle changes to emit less GHG and contribute less to climate change.

 

Problems that need group action

  • The majority of problems that South Asian countries face are global in nature, transcend national borders, and necessitate group effort. The economic forecast for South Asia is bleak for the coming year.
  • India needs to promote collective action at the G20 that results in economic stability and peace in the region. Providing a common regional voice is not an easy undertaking at a time when economies in the region are under considerable stress and there are emerging geopolitical polarisations on the horizon.
  • Rising debt burdens of South Asian economies represent a potential crisis that require urgent attention. India has an opportunity to effectively voice the socio-economic aspirations of South Asia’s 1.8 billion people, representing one-third of the global poor and as also one of the world’s fastest growing markets.

 

Addressing concerns of South Asia:

  • As South Asia’s largest country with the largest economy and significant global clout, India is well poised to represent the subcontinent at these international fora. In addition, three G20 emerging economies — India, Indonesia, and Brazil — collectively make up the G20 troika to be followed by another important G20 developing member, i.e. South Africa, the G20 President for 2025.
  • Hence, India can draw attention to issues that are significant for South Asia and the entire developing world, ensuring greater momentum for those nations not represented in the G20. Some of the key challenges facing South Asia and the developing world include a post-pandemic recovery, a surge in commodity prices following inflationary pressures, and inclement weather induced by climate change.

 

Energy, health and finance

  • The majority of South Asian nations produce their energy from fossil fuels; 63% of the region’s emissions of greenhouse gases come from energy generation. Since dollars are short in supply, it has become challenging for countries to keep up with energy production.
  • Liquefied natural gas (LNG) used to generate 70% of the energy needs of Bangladesh, while coal used to generate roughly 70% of the electricity needed in India. Green energy transition is one of the top priorities for this region.
  • Improving health infrastructure is quite important for South Asia and the G20 agenda. The discussion of global cooperation needs to go beyond technology transfers and financial aid to cover losses and damages brought on by climate change.
  • For South Asia, it is important that multilateral organisations and development finance institutes supporting economic development and good governance are reformed as these countries are major stakeholders for these global institutes. India needs to prioritise all these issues not only to make the G20 an effective platform but also to be the voice of billions in the region and beyond.

 

Way forward

  • Being the only G20 member from South Asia, India has added responsibilities since many non-G20 nations (particularly those in the global South) look upon India to represent their interests at the G20, whose choices have an impact on their future prosperity and well-being— at a time when multilateralism itself is experiencing a crisis of relevance.
  • Because wealthy economies have disproportionate power and influence in determining the rules of engagement on international cooperation, trade, and finance, global governance is historically tilted in their favour.
  • Often it ends up having a negative impact on the ability to provide realistic solutions to constituents such as South Asia to address issues such as development, trade, climate action, energy transition and digital transformation.

 

Conclusion:

India should use its G20 chair to reform international governance procedures and ensure fair negotiations. As sceptics keep debating the G20’s value and significance, the South Asian giant has an opportunity to initiate deliberations, discussions, and debates, in turn resulting in policies that provide pragmatic solutions to pressing concerns affecting its immediate neighbourhood and beyond.