Editorial 1 : Legal challenge to changes in Article 370: What it means for J&K
Recent context:
- Recently, A five-judge Bench of the Supreme Court will begin hearing petitions challenging the changes to Article 370 and downgrading of Jammu & Kashmir state into two Union Territories on Tuesday.
- The petitions, involving important legal and constitutional questions, will be taken up by a Bench led by Chief Justice of India (CJI) D Y Chandrachud
Constitutional changes made by Parliament:
- On August 5, the Centre issued an order amending The Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order, 1954, and superseding it with The Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order, 2019.
- The new order made “all the provisions of the Constitution” applicable to J&K state. The government also amended Article 367 to add a new Clause (4), making the Constitution of India directly applicable to J&K.
- Then, President issued a declaration under Article 370(3) making all its clauses inoperative except the provision that all articles of the Constitution shall apply to J&K.
Change to Article 370
- Article 370 provided for application of Article 1 and Article 370 to Jammu & Kashmir.
- Other provisions of the Constitution did not automatically extend to J&K, but clause (1)(d) of Article 370 empowered the President of India to extend them through an executive order with the concurrence of the government of J&K.
- Clause 3 of Article 370 empowered the President to
- “Declare that this article shall cease to be operative” completely or partially but only if the Constituent Assembly of J&K recommended such an action. Since the Constituent Assembly of J&K no longer existed, having dispersed in 1957, this power of the President had ceased, unless a new Constituent Assembly came into being.
- Article 370 explained that “for the purpose of this article”, the state government meant the Maharaja (later changed to Sadr-e-Riyasat) of J&K, acting on the advice of the council of ministers. But there was no state government either in J&K, so the President had no way to acquire the concurrence of the state government.
- This meant there was no constitutional and legal mechanism available for the Centre to abrogate or amend Article 370.
- The Centre, however, used the President’s powers under Article 370(1)(d) to amend Article 367, which provides guidelines to interpret the Constitution.
- A new clause was added to Article 367, replacing “Constituent Assembly of the State” referred to in Article 370(3) by “Legislative Assembly of the State”.
- Thus, the presidential order route under Article 370(1)(d) was used to amend Article 370 itself, whereas Article 370 could have been amended only upon the recommendation of the Constituent Assembly under Article 370(3), not through Article 370(1)(d).
Parliament = state govt?
- The President, while imposing his direct rule in J&K, had assumed all functions of the J&K government, taken over all the powers of the Governor under both the Indian Constitution and the J&K Constitution and extended the powers of the state legislature to Parliament.
- This meant that the President of India was in effect the J&K state government, and Parliament was in effect the state legislature.
- The powers of the J&K Constituent Assembly were passed on to the state legislature and, in this scheme of things, when the “state government” gave its concurrence to these monumental changes, it was, in fact, the President giving concurrence to his own decision.
- It has been argued that since President’s Rule in a state is in the nature of an interim arrangement until an elected government is put in place, the administration under President’s Rule cannot take decisions that change the very constitutional structure of the state.
Special provision for J&K before removal of Article 370 :
- The move to abolish the J&K Constitution has been challenged because the Legislative Assembly of J&K had no power under the J&K Constitution to recommend any amendment to any provision of the Constitution of India.
- Article 147 of the J&K Constitution barred the J&K Legislative Assembly from “seeking to make any change in provisions of the Constitution of India as applicable in relation to the State”. It has been argued that this means even the J&K Legislative Assembly wasn’t legally competent to give consent to the President’s order.
Providing the status of UT:
- The Jammu and Kashmir (Reorganisation) Act, 2019 bifurcated J&K into two Union Territories — J&K was an UT with a Legislative Assembly; Ladakh was without an Assembly.
- There is no other instance in India’s constitutional history of a state being demoted to a UT, even though Parliament can under Article 3 create a new state by carving out territory from any state, uniting two or more states, or portions of different states. Parliament is also empowered to add area to an existing state, or change the existing boundaries of a state.
- The Centre’s decision has been challenged on the ground that it violates Article 3. Also, the proviso to this article makes it incumbent on the President to refer any Bill proposing the reorganisation of a state to its legislature if the Bill “affects the area, boundaries or name of any of the states”.
- It is argued that the view of Parliament on such a Bill cannot replace the view of the state legislature. Under President’s Rule, only those powers of a state legislature can be exercised as are essential to run the day-to-day affairs of the state.
- Parliament cannot provide the view of a particular state legislature which in essence is the opinion of the people of that state.
Concept Colourable legislation
- The challenge is also based on the argument that the constitutional changes are “colourable legislation” and thus legally untenable.
- The doctrine of colourable legislation is the legal principle that says what cannot be done directly cannot be done indirectly.
- This doctrine has been reiterated by the Supreme Court, as well as constitutional courts in other countries.
Conclusion:
- As Article 370 itself mention that it is "temporary, transitional and special Provisions" of Indian constitution. Therefore, it is subject to cease.
- However, the process for its removal should be within the domain of constitutional provisions for betterment of people of India that will bring unity and diversity.
Editorial 2 : New America-India partnership opens up the potential for a multi-polar Asia
Recent Context:
- Recently, Prime Minister Narendra Modi concluded a successful state visit to the US.
- The two sides clinched important deals covering a panoply of sectors such as the
- joint development and deployment of Open Radio Access Networks,
- quantum computing and artificial intelligence,
- innovations under the iCET initiative,
- aero-engine technology for India’s Light Combat Aircraft,
- establishment of a semiconductor assembly and test facility in India,
- rare earths and minerals security,
- collaboration in space exploration,
- the resolution of trade issues and establishment of new consulates.
Significance of these collaboration for both nations:
- These have far-reaching significance for bilateral relations and for India’s future as an economic and military power in an uncertain world.
- It is clear to both sides that India cannot fulfil its potential without a closer partnership with the US especially in high-tech sectors and that the US cannot hope to ensure a multi-polar Asia without a robust relationship with a strong and resilient India.
Both nations are working together to counter the China’s domination over Indo-pacific region:
- Prime Minister Modi’s visit will have a positive impact on the unfolding geo-economic and geo-strategic contours of the Indo-Pacific region.
- More than half a century ago, communist China became a recipient of high-end US technologies, including in the defence sector. This continued until their partnership of convenience unravelled in recent years, but only after China became the world’s second largest economic and military power.
- Notably, the two had no shared values, and it hardly mattered to either side. The close partnership between democratic India and democratic US is far more sustainable in the long run.
The creatin areas of concern between the India-USA relation:
- Some have averred that the slogan of shared values is hollow and that there is no meaningful convergence on this score.
- India’s perceived neutrality in the ongoing Ukraine crisis and its alleged democratic backsliding have also become convenient targets of ire and scepticism.
- Criticism over “democratic backsliding” over India shows personal, political and ideological prejudices. India remains the world’s largest functional democracy, where free and fair elections determine the outcome of the ballot-box.
- Along with USA raises certain “areas of concern” such as “human rights”, “religious intolerance” and “press freedom” with Prime Minister Modi.
- However, this kind of practice is alien to India’s civilisational ethos and values, where the guest is revered and welcomed as atithi devo bhava (guest is God).
Despite few differences India-USA holds strong ties for order-based world
- President Biden and the US government have repeatedly underscored India’s democratic credentials.
- The joint statement issued during Prime Minister Modi’s visit bears testimony. The US and India have agreed to “advance the aspirations of our people for a bright and prosperous future grounded in respect for human rights and shared principles of democracy, freedom, and the rule of law.”
- It speaks of “freedom, democracy, human rights, inclusion, pluralism, and equal opportunities for all citizens” as shared values.
- Convergence between India and the US today is anchored in the changes unfolding in the geo-strategic realm and the emerging threats posed by authoritarian states.
- Both countries, as well as their like-minded partners, share the view that coercion and bullying are unacceptable in international relations. Ensuring stability and multi-polarity in Asia and in the broader Indo-Pacific region remains a shared objective.
Conclusion:
- India and the US do not have to be treaty allies in order to work together to uphold a rules-based international order.
- Even some differences over the nature of the current global order, which resists genuine reform of multilateral institutions, need not come in the way of a deeper partnership.
- Therefore, Both countries must make continuous efforts to improve ties, as in any relationship.