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Editorial 1 : What the young want

Introduction: In the current round of assembly elections, one of the issues that is reportedly high on the minds of voters, but not framed adequately by parties, is that of youth unemployment and the missing opportunities.


What is the issue and how parties are dealing with it?

  • The lack of jobs situation is exacerbated by widespread scams and interminable delays in the entrance examinations and announcement of results for government jobs and professional degrees in the states.
  • In Telangana, Congress has promised a job calendar; and the BJP, a transparent and timebound resolution to Telangana Public Service Commission examinations.
  • In Rajasthan, there is reportedly support for candidates who speak out against the serial delays in recruitment in government jobs.
  • Examinations conducted by the Rajasthan Public Service Commission have been mired in controversies involving paper leaks, manipulation of results and litigation that have led to the cancellation of eight examinations in the last four years.
  • In Madhya Pradesh, a state still haunted by the spectre of the Vyapam scam, handouts might have trumped employment as a poll issue but only by relegating the concerns and priorities of young voters.


The unemployment scenario in the poll-bound states

  • According to the Periodic Labour Force Survey of 2022-23, youth unemployment in the five election-bound states stands at 15.1 per cent, 12.5 per cent, 11.9 per cent, 7.1 per cent and 4.4 per cent in Telangana, Rajasthan, Mizoram, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh respectively.
  • Of these, Telangana, Rajasthan and Mizoram have recorded a higher youth unemployment rate than the national average of 10 per cent.
  • The figures for women in the same age group are even higher.


Consequences of huge unemployment in these states

  • What this translates into is a culture of anxiety and cut-throat competition, worsening predicaments already pockmarked by the inequities of caste, class, gender and religion.
  • This is evident in the proliferation of coaching centres in places like Kota, where students flock every year to train for competitive examinations and which register a distressing number of students’ suicides.


How to reduce the students’ distress by reducing number of students opting for competitive exams?

Reducing the number of students taking competitive examinations can be achieved through a combination of strategies that address both the supply and demand sides of the equation.


On the supply side:

  • Promote diverse career paths: Encourage students to explore a wide range of career options beyond those traditionally associated with competitive exams. This can be done through career counseling, exposure to different industries, and highlighting the diverse skills and talents that lead to success in different fields.
  • Expand access to quality education: Ensure that all students have access to quality education, regardless of their socioeconomic background. This includes providing equitable access to resources, qualified teachers, and a supportive learning environment.
  • Reduce the emphasis on rote memorization and high-stakes exams: Shift the focus of education from rote memorization and test preparation to developing critical thinking, problem-solving, and creativity skills. This can be achieved through a more holistic approach to education that values inquiry-based learning and experiential experiences.

 

On the demand side:

  • Increase job opportunities in diverse fields: Create more employment opportunities in fields that are not traditionally associated with competitive exams. This can be done through government initiatives, industry partnerships, and promoting entrepreneurship.
  • Improve salary and working conditions in non-competitive exam fields: Make careers in non-competitive exam fields more attractive by offering competitive salaries, good working conditions, and opportunities for advancement.
  • Raise awareness of non-competitive exam career paths: Inform students about the diverse and rewarding career opportunities that exist outside of competitive exams. This can be done through career fairs, workshops, and online resources.
  • Reduce the societal pressure to pursue competitive exams: Address the societal pressure that often pushes students towards competitive exams. This can be done through public awareness campaigns, parent education, and shifting parental expectations.

By implementing a combination of these strategies, it is possible to reduce the number of students taking competitive examinations and create a more equitable and diverse career landscape.


Conclusion: Parties in poll-bound states need to heed the clamour for jobs, and for a system that opens up spaces and opportunities.


Editorial 2 : Reining in the governor

Introduction: Governor of Tamil Nadu R N Ravi has once again reminded us of the constitutional folly of retaining the colonial institution of governor. He returned all 10 bills to state legislature despite SC’s intervention.


Actions of governor of TN, which raises eyebrows

  • Decisions of the state government relating to sanction for prosecution of AIADMK ministers, appointment to the Tamil Nadu Public Service Commission and premature release of prisoners have been held up by Ravi for no apparent reason.


The difference in the structure of governors’ and presidents’ office

  • Although the governor is supposed to be the president’s analogue at the state government, the reality is that they have been, and continue to be, the agents of the Union government, sent to keep a check on popularly elected state governments.
  • The key difference between the governor and the president is in the manner of appointment and removal — whereas the elected representatives of the country elect the president, the governor is appointed by the Union government alone.
  • Whereas the president can only be removed by way of impeachment, the governor can be removed from office at the pleasure of the Union government.
  • The president’s functioning as the head of state is always kept in check by an understanding that the elected representatives can remove them if they overstep their boundaries.
  • On the other hand, the governor is secure in the knowledge that as long as they do as they are told by the Union government, they will continue to hold their positions. As heads of state, they are not even answerable to the courts for their actions while in office.


Constituent Assembly debate on governors’ office

  • None of this is new — all of this was predicted in the Constituent Assembly during the course of debates.
  • Dakshayani Velayudhan was highly critical of the provisions relating to governors. She said: “The general criticism is that the draft is a replica of the 1935 Act, but we cannot forget the fact that we have got a legacy of the British imperialist administration which goes by the name of the parliamentary system of government…
  • Her views were echoed by other members of the Assembly such as Biswanath Das and H V Kamath.
  • B R Ambedkar had justified the existing provisions relating to governors arguing that there was very little time to make changes to the existing provisions of the Government of India Act, 1935 and in any case, governors were only supposed to work with and not overrule the state governments.
  • He did not address the possibility of a governor simply doing what the Centre wishes, as other members pointed out.
  • Ambedkar’s response is puzzling. As an economist, he should have foreseen the perverse incentives for the governor’s behaviour being built into the Constitution.
  • Velayudhan also refuses to accept his justification for retaining the provisions relating to the governor, noting that significant changes had been made to the GoI Act, 1935 where needed but provisions relating to the governor were retained as is.
  • Fears as to what governors would turn out to be were proved true almost as soon as the Constitution came into force.
  • The machinations of the Madras Governor, Sri Prakasa, to make C Rajagopalachari the chief minister and engineer a Congress government in the state despite the absence of a popular mandate are well known.
  • Such shenanigans have been repeated by governors across the country in service of the ruling party at the Centre.

 

Should India abolish the institution of governor

  • An abolition of the institution itself is a knee-jerk reaction. This is both unwise and unnecessary.
    • Unwise because Westminster parliamentary democracy requires a head of state and head of government and removing the governor entirely would mean a dismantling of the system itself.
    • Unnecessary because there are viable alternatives — judicial intervention or constitutional reform.


How to reform the institution

  • Judicial intervention into the conduct of governors has increased of late. This is a welcome move but it shouldn’t mean that every state has to keep approaching the Supreme Court each time to get the governors to do their duty.
  • The other option relates to constitutional reform of the office of the governor. To make the governor accountable to the state legislature in the same manner that the president is accountable to the Union Parliament — through election and impeachment.


Conclusion: Whether the judicial or the constitutional reform route is taken, it is high time that the colonial institution of the governor is reined in to strengthen India’s democracy and federal structure.