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Editoral 1: An unclear road ahead

Recent Context:

  • In the recent G20 New Delhi Leaders’ Declaration, several paragraphs have been devoted to matters relating to renewable energy, climate change, and low carbon growth.
  • In a nutshell, the Declaration states that all efforts will be made to promote low-carbon growth and adopt lifestyles for sustainable development, and conserve biodiversity, forests and oceans.
  • It also mentions that efforts will be made to implement the Paris Agreement through international cooperation, which would include the transfer of low-cost finance and technology.

 

Need for financial mechanism to achieve the targeted goal

  • As highlighted in the IPCC Sixth Assessment Report (AR6), the emissions could peak by 2025 and need to go net-zero by 2050 
  •  The oft-quoted figure of committing $100 billion per year is repeated here and the Declaration adds that this figure would probably be reached by 2023 onwards.
  • In the same breath, however, it is admitted that the developing countries would need about $5.8 to $5.9 trillion to implement their nationally determined contributions (NDCs).
  • This huge sum of money would be required for mitigation and adaptation projects.


The role of MDBs and private institution along with public fund in financiering the climate projects

  • To help mobilise resources, greater access to climate funds has been recommended and enhancing the role of multilateral development banks (MDBs) has been underscored.
  • Along with it, the need to seek a greater role of the private sector has been suggested. In order to do that, the Declaration recommends the use of public funds as leverage.
  •  The Declaration also speaks of operationalising the loss and damage fund, a decision taken during COP27. The contents of this paragraph give a brief summary of what is contained in the Declaration when it comes to climate change, but is certainly not exhaustive.

 

Concern over current declaration:

  • Availability of lithium to carry out renewable programme: The new aspect mentioned in the New Delhi Declaration (apart from the setting up of the Global Biofuels Alliance and the Green Hydrogen Innovation Centre) is that renewable generating capacity will be trebled by 2030. This would mean primarily solar and wind
    • One hopes that this has been well thought out since trebling renewable capacity is easier said than done. It would mean the availability of polysilicon for solar and rare earths for wind-based capacities.
    • Trebling the renewable capacity would also involve issues of grid stability, which can be solved through the installation of batteries on a large scale (as one possible panacea), which in turn would mean that lithium needs to be available in plenty.
    • All these factors need to be accounted for and some mention of it should have been made in the Declaration so that one understands that it is not an off-the-cuff remark.
  • The second issue is the mention of “common but differentiated responsibilities” (CBDR) This phrase, incidentally, was also mentioned in the Bali Declaration (2022) and in the Rome Declaration (2021).
    • In other words, it was recognised that the developed countries were more responsible for the emissions since they were the ones emitting carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases.
    • However, today the situation is such that emissions reduction by developed countries will not be enough to save the planet or meet the Paris targets. The steps taken by each country, whether positive or negative, are going to affect the world community at large and the less developing countries, especially the low-lying island nations, are likely to suffer more.
    • To come back to the issue of CBDR, the concept of nationally determined contributions (NDCs), which has replaced CBDR. This was agreed to in Paris in 2015 during COP21.
      • Under the new dispensation of NDCs, each country sets its own targets which, however, are monitored and evaluated. Hence, there is an element of responsibility and introspection.
    • So, in a way, all countries, be it developed or developing, are equal partners.  Therefore, there is need to drop the phrase of CBDR from our future documents as it is superfluous.

 

Conclusion:

  • New Delhi Declaration is done and dusted, one hopes that before the G20 countries meet again in Brazil in 2024, some concrete steps will have been taken, especially towards the flow of funds committed by the developed world since 2010 at Copenhagen.
  • Therefore, It would be reassuring to see a Declaration that not only states what needs to be done, but also what has been done.

Editorial 2: 27 years on, a step closer

Recent Context:

  • Recently, government introduced Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Eighth Amendment) Bill, 2023, popularly referred to as the women’s reservation Bill to provide on-third reservation for women in Lok Sabha and state legislature.

 

Historical underpinning

  • The subject of a gender quota in legislative bodies was extensively discussed during the freedom movement.
  • While framing the Constitution, the women members in the Constituent Assembly did not pursue reservation as a means of ensuring women’s political participation on the grounds that it would limit women’s representation.
  • In July 1947, Renuka Ray spoke in the Constituent Assembly, “When there is reservation of seats for women, the question of their consideration for general seats, however competent they may be, does not usually arise. We feel that women will get more chances in the future to come forward and work in free India, if the consideration is of ability alone.”
  • Unfortunately, the number of women representatives in legislatures remained abysmal even after decades of independence. After the enactment of the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments that reserved 33 per cent seats in panchayats and urban local bodies for women, the demand for gender quotas in legislative bodies gained steam.


History of women’s reservation Bill

  • Since 1996, multiple governments have introduced various versions of the women’s reservation Bill but failed to enact it as a law due to a lack of political consensus.
  •  The UPA government tabled a women’s reservation Bill in Rajya Sabha in 2008 and passed it two years later with 186-1 votes.
  • The UPA came close to making the Bill a reality. However, when the Bill was sent to the Lok Sabha as per parliamentary procedure, it didn’t see the light of day due to opposition by various political leaders including UPA’s allies. Being a property of the Lok Sabha, it lapsed upon the dissolution of the House in 2014.
  • Given the absolute majority the current government enjoys in Parliament, it is likely that the Bill will be enacted into law that ensures the fructification of this long-pending aspiration.

 

About the significant provisions of the bill and criticism

  • It mandates 33 per cent reservation for women in the Lok Sabha, the state Legislative Assemblies, and the Delhi Assembly.
  • It also reserves one-third seats for women within the existing SC and ST reservation.
  • Seats will be reserved on a rotational basis; and reservation will cease after 15 years.
  • However, the 2023 Bill deserves criticism on two grounds. First, the abstruseness of the timeline for implementation.
    • The Bill merely reads that it shall come into effect “after an exercise of delimitation is undertaken for this purpose after the relevant figures for the first Census taken after commencement of the Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-eighth Amendment) Act, 2023 has been published”. It doesn’t specify the cycle of elections from which women will get their due share.
    • However, Members of Parliament must move amendments and ensure that the final legislation defines a clear timeline.
  • Second, in line with the preceding governments, the current Bill does not provide women’s reservation in the Rajya Sabha and state legislative councils.
    • The Rajya Sabha currently has lower representation of women than the Lok Sabha. Representation is an ideal that must be reflected in both the Lower and Upper Houses.
    • Government and members of Parliament must think about how this lacuna can be filled, and come up with appropriate measures to ensure no segment of the population is under-represented

Significance of the Women's Reservation Bill

Gender Equality

  • Historical Underrepresentation: Historically, women have been significantly underrepresented in India's political landscape. This underrepresentation perpetuates gender inequality as it restricts women's ability to influence policies and decisions that affect their lives.
  • Political Empowerment: The Women's Reservation Bill  is a proactive measure to ensure that women have a fair opportunity to participate in the highest levels of decision-making in the country, promoting gender equality in politics.
  • Symbolic Importance: It signifies that Indian society recognizes and values the contributions of women in politics, sending a message that women’s voices and perspectives are essential in shaping the nation's future.

Empowerment

  • Access to Political Arena: The Women's Reservation Bill empowers women by granting them equal access to the political arena. It breaks down traditional barriers and prejudices that may have discouraged women from entering politics in the past, such as social norms and lack of opportunities.
  • Enhancing Political Skills: As more women enter politics and gain experience, it helps in building their leadership and governance skills. This empowerment extends beyond politics, as women who succeed in the political sphere can become role models for others, inspiring greater participation in various fields.
  • Policy Influence: Through political participation, women gain the power to influence policies that directly impact their lives and those of their communities. This empowerment translates into tangible changes in areas such as healthcare, education, gender-based violence, and economic opportunities.


Diverse Perspectives

  • Addressing Gender-Specific Issues: Increased female representation in politics brings attention to gender-specific issues that may have been overlooked in the past. Women often advocate for policies related to maternal health, childcare, gender-based violence, and economic opportunities that directly affect women and families.
  • Enhancing Decision-Making: Diverse perspectives lead to more comprehensive and balanced decision-making. When women are actively involved in policymaking, the resulting laws and regulations are more likely to consider the needs and interests of the entire population, not just a segment of it.
  • Social and Cultural Change: Female political leaders can challenge traditional gender roles and norms, inspiring broader social and cultural change. Their presence in politics can help break down stereotypes and create a more inclusive and gender-equal society.

 

Conclusion:

  • The women of this country have waited for 27 years to see this Bill enacted. Even though the current Bill is far from perfect, we can’t afford to wait another two decades.
  • Let’s welcome the government’s initiative to make women’s reservation a reality. There are miles to go in achieving gender parity in politics and this is just the beginning